Maharashtra

Maharashtra

Nearly four years ago the Maharashtra government had announced what it considered a great achievement: the reduction in malnutrition deaths among tribal children in the state by 10%. That claim was endorsed by the UNICEF.

But Dr Abhay Bang, an award-winning healthcare professional who has been working among tribals in the heavily forested Gadchiroli district for years, was highly sceptical. An alumni of the Johns Hopkins University in the US, Dr. Bang had chaired a state committee on child mortality evaluation and told the government in 2013 , “That has to be a miracle.” For it was much more than 10%.

Dr. Bang runs an NGO called SEARCH (Society for Education, Action, and Research in Community Health) which also keeps a watch on such data.

“They had brought down the deaths from 39 per cent to 22 per cent. No one achieves that kind of success in such a short period of time.’’

That achievement began to be known as the ‘Maharashtra Model’ of child development and was held up as a template for those who wanted to achieve similar targets. But three years on, that model seems to be in tatters with nearly 600 malnutrition deaths reported among tribal children from Palghar district alone this year, barely 100 km from Mumbai. The National Human Rights Commission, taking suo moto notice of the reports, has asked the Maharashtra chief secretary for a detailed explanation within four weeks.

So what went wrong in such a short while? “Nothing,” says Dr. Bang.

What the government had achieved was a mere reduction in child mortality which at 45 deaths per thousand children is commendable figure. But infant mortality is vastly different from malnutrition though the two are interlinked and have a bearing upon each other.

“The mistake that the media and government agencies often make is to confuse mortality with malnutrition deaths. No one quite dies of malnutrition. They die of other causes because of that malnutrition. Stunting is often the better measure of malnutrition and even today 51% of children and adults among tribal populations in the state are undernourished and stunted. That is huge. And here has been little improvement in those figures.’’

Many years ago Dr. Bang authored a report on child mortality and malnutrition related deaths of children below five titled ``Kowali Panejar’’ in Marathi (Shedding of Tender Leaves). So when Vivek Pandit founder of the Shramjeevi Sangathana, an NGO working among these tribals, saw a two-year-old child he had rushed to a hospital in Nashik, die of high fever, and asked in anguish, “How many more sacrifices of children does the government want before they stop dying?”’ the answer to it could be, “Scores.”

Dr. Bang says the government figures are often under-reported because the reporting agency and the sustaining agency are one and the same – that means the officials who have to compute the deaths are the very same health officials responsible for preventing malnutrition and infant mortality.

“No one is a personal villain but it is human nature not to want to carry the blame. So often many deaths will not be reported and the actual numbers are tens of times that the government gives out each year.”

According to Dr. Bang nearly 50% of infant mortalities happen in the neo-natal stages – that is within one month of birth because the children are born to highly undernourished mothers. If they do make it past 30 days, diarrhea and pneumonia often prove fatal as also malaria (if they survive the first two calamities) within six months to one year of their lives. By two they are so weak and ‘wasted’, even an ordinary fever can be fatal.

Tribals have the additional burden of their superstitions. “It is a larger South Asian problem but Indian tribals particularly will not feed the child for the first three days of his or her life. The child may sometimes be given sweetened water but not mother’s milk in this time. Breast feeding begins only from the fourth day. You can imagine what that does to the child,” says Dr. Bang.

However, except for the super station and faith in witch doctors that keeps them from taking modern medicines, which is a major cultural issue, much of the battle against malnutrition is easy to win with a few changes in government policies and outlook, Dr. Bang told the Hindustan Times.

“The Integrated Child Development Services needs a shift in emphasis. Now the child has to go to the centre to collect nutrition. Which means only children over three who can walk to the centres, get access to nutrition. On the other hand, it is often children below two who are more in need of such supplements. So food must be reached to them.’’

The Maharashtra cabinet did formulate a policy for this shift in emphasis some years ago but it was defeated by its own officials who resisted the change. And so, children continue to be malnourished and the deaths prevail.

According to Varsha Gaikwad, former minister for women and child welfare who, during her tenure worked hard to reduce child mortality, the nodal agency (which is the women and child welfare department) has to go the extra mile in co-ordinating between various other agencies – health officials, tribal welfare department, forest department (as tribals mostly live in or around forests) and even the public works department (to ensure road access to tribals in remote places remain open).

“It has to be a combined effort, just one person or agency cannot do it,” she says.

Her oblique reference is to the unilateral manner in which both tribal welfare minister Vishnu Savara and women and child welfare minister Pankaja Munde have handled the recent malnutrition deaths in Palghar.

Savara’s visit to Kalambwadi village in Mokhada tehsil of the newly formed and tribal dominated Palghar district earlier this month after a child’s death drew a hostile response from the tribals. Badly rattled after activists grilled him about the mounting deaths and the government’s alleged scant attention, he snapped carelessly, “So be it!” That video went viral and when Munde visited the district on September 21 after the death of yet another two-year-old from Ruighar village in Jawhar taluka, police had to invoke preventive measures to stop people from heckling her.

“But that is not how you do it,” says Gaikwad who faced similar flak several times during her tenure, “You have to be heckled by the people and they have to point out to you what is going wrong. That is how you will know what corrective measures to take. You cannot govern or solve this issue in isolation.’’

Munde did meet members of the NGO Shramjeevi Sangathana working among these tribals for years. Vivek Pandit pointed out that nearly 20% of posts for health officials in the district were lying vacant and that the Jawhar rural hospital needed to be upgraded to a district hospital at the least to save more lives.

That’s why Gaikwad’s emphasis on integrated co-ordination between the various ministers and departments, because funding for tribal welfare has not been an issue. The tribal population of Maharashtra is 9% and an equivalent percentage of the budget automatically gets allocated to the tribal welfare department each year.

Dr. Bang is pained by the fact that despite ample funds (upwards of Rs 5000 crore) these are not utilized or at times they are diverted to non-tribal uses. “One year I found that a previous tribal minister had paid tolls worth several crores through these funds in Nandurbar district (another tribal dominated area). Those truck drivers bringing supplies to tribal villages who benefitted were not tribals. Such things are avoidable.”

Bang says the best thing the government can do, after tackling health, educational, economic and cultural issues, is to empower tribals to take charge of their own lives. This has already happened in a way with amendments to the Forests Act wherein, barring teak and timber, tribals have been allowed to make use of all other forest produce (like fruits and tendu leaves) and sell them directly in the market with private operators forbidden to step in.

“The first few years many gram panchayats made at least a hundred crore rupees from such sales and judiciously distributed the profits among various villages. Cut off the middlemen and let there be no shortfall in health and nutritional facilities. It will still take a long time but it will happen one day.’’

Only then, tender leaves then will no longer be swept away by a breeze.

Adivasi (Article-3)

A tribal perspective from Jharkhand describes how the creation of the state, ostensibly for the welfare of tribal populations, has only led to their exploitation and displacement

Almost a century ago, Katherine Mayo published a book titled Mother India that criticised the Indian way of living. Such were the author’s views that even Gandhi described it as “the drain inspector’s report” which examined only the drains of the country. Conflating with Mayo’s discriminatory work was another contemporary piece by Rudyard Kipling titled White Man’s Burden. Things would have been different had these works been considered the mere fancy of creative minds. But they were perceptions that became the paradigms of the western perspective, veiling the ground realities and on-going brutalities and actually making people believe that what the colonisers did was in the best interests of the colonised. As a result, most westerners were alienated from the plight of the colonised. Purpose well served -- unopposed exploitation.

Years later, India seems to walk the same line that it once so bluntly lambasted. Tribal communities in central areas of Jharkhand, Orissa and Chhattisgarh have been exploited, displaced and dispossessed of their resources by the state. But the government has successfully created an illusory perception of ‘development’ that has alienated the middle class from the plight of the tribals. As a result, the government ruthlessly exploits tribal populations and does so almost unchallenged by other sections of society.

Placating tribals

On November 15, 2000, tribals, mostly from central India, had something to rejoice about. A demand articulated for over a century saw the birth of the state of Jharkhand.

Demands for separate statehood for Jharkhand were first raised in 1914 by tribals, as mentioned in the State Reorganisation Committee Report 1955-56. Tribal politicians vigorously took up the cause, supported by other indigenous communities. For long, the mineral-rich areas of Chota Nagpur and Santhal Pargana had been exploited and the tribal people displaced in the name of development. Racial discrimination of tribals by outsiders, referred to as dikus in the tribal tongue, was rampant. The demand for separate statehood was not merely to establish a distinct identity but also to do away with years of injustice. 

However, the creation of Jharkhand has only increased the vulnerability of tribals. The token concessions of a tribal chief minister and a few reserved constituencies were deemed a green signal to displace tribals for so-called ‘development’. According to reports of the Indian People’s Tribunal on Environment and Human Rights, a total of 6.54 million people have so far been displaced in Jharkhand in the name of development. The on going land acquisition at Nagri village (near Ranchi, Jharkhand) for the Indian Institute of Management (IIM) and National University of Study and Research in Law (NUSRL) may seem like development projects in the eyes of the educated and the affluent. But these elite educational institutes have displaced over 500 tribal villagers. The displacement in the name of dams, factories, mining, etc goes largely unreported.

In a place where displacement and development have become synonymous, the strategic reasons for such oppressive measures go beyond monetary gain. One senses, quite palpably, consistent attempts by various corporate firms to exert control over the policy formulation process. This political-corporate nexus was very apparent when 42 MoUs were signed as soon as Jharkhand came into being. According to a human rights report published by the Jharkhand Human Rights Movement (JHRM), the state government of Jharkhand has so far signed 102 MoUs which go against the laws of the Fifth Schedule. Vast tracts of land will be required to bring these MoUs to fruition.

People’s opposition and various constitutional laws against land acquisition have always been impediments to the corporations. In 2011, a people’s movement forced Arcelor Mittal to pull out of a proposed project in Jharkhand. The corporate sector has been trying hard to change the status quo in its favour, and in doing so has adopted some dubious means. The Chota Nagpur Tenancy (CNT) Act is one of several laws provided by the Constitution to safeguard tribal interests. It was instituted in 1908 to safeguard tribal lands from being sold to non-tribals. The law was meant to prevent foreseeable dispossession and preserve tribal identity. Loss of land would naturally lead to loss of tribal identity as the issuance of a community certificate requires proof of land possession.

The private sector seems to have taken a special interest in drastically reforming or abolishing the CNT Act. Corporate-owned newspapers like Prabhat Khabar and Dainik Bhaskar have campaigned vigorously for reforming the Act to make transfer of land from tribals to non-tribals more flexible. Needless to say, any reform in this direction would directly benefit corporations that own mines in the tribal lands of Jharkhand and pave the way for future land acquisition.

The state government, irrespective of party banner, has been part of such threats to tribal interests. Non-inclusion of the Sarna religion in the religion category of census data has drastically downsized tribal populations. There have been lapses on the part of the administration to provide accurate data on tribal populations, many of which are underreported.

With the never-ending displacement, the tribal population figure has dropped to a mere 28% on paper.

The dark side of anti-Naxal operations

There is little doubt that the Naxal menace has increased over the years. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has good reason to declare Naxalism the biggest internal security threat. In Jharkhand alone, since its formation, a total of 4,430 cases of Naxal violence have been reported so far; 399 police personnel, 916 Naxalites, and 395 common people have lost their lives in such violence. The brutal way in which Naxal violence is perpetrated -- beheading, mutilating body parts, slitting throats -- has greatly amplified people’s fears. Splinter groups like the People’s Liberation Front of India (PLFI), Jharkhand Liberation Tiger (JLT) and Tritiya Prastuti Committee (TPC) have further intensified the problem and led to the  administration using counter-violence.

The security forces deployed in Maoist infested areas face constant threat to their lives. While the terrain here is conducive to guerrilla warfare, the local police finds itself inadequately armed and trained to engage in such warfare. Hence, central forces armed with superior firepower and equipment and better training are called in.

People are told that the Naxalites wish to overthrow the government by violent revolution and undemocratic means, and that they need to be stopped to sustain India’s ‘bright future’. But some facts go unheard. According to a report by JHRM, since the creation of Jharkhand, a total of 4,372 people have been arrested on the charge of being Naxalites. Of these, 315 are hardcore Naxals for whom the government had announced prize money. The remaining 4,057 have no record of any criminal offence; even the police has been unable to establish their Naxal involvement (1). In an extreme case, sources claim that the government was instrumental in sustaining thePLFI during the initial days of its formation, to counter the CPI (M). The move backfired and the PLFI became a prominent terror group in Jharkhand.

In other instances, countless innocent people (mostly tribals) have been killed during anti-Naxal operations. The incident that occurred on April 15, 2009, at Latehar, Jharkhand, exposed the dark side of these operations. Five tribals were picked up from their homes by the CRPF and district police, taken to a nearby place and shot dead. The initial police investigation tried to cover up the act, claiming the tribals were Maoists. Following protests, the Jharkhand police finally accepted that they were ordinary villagers who had no links with Naxalites.

The recent exposure of anti-Naxal operations in the Saranda jungle, home to over 125,000 tribals, is even more disturbing. Central and state forces deployed here under Operation Monsoon and Operation Anaconda destroyed homes and killed innocent people, not sparing even the food the tribals had. As revealed by JHRM, during Operation Anaconda, 33 villagers were arrested on charges of Naxal involvement. The police has been unable to provide any evidence to support this claim. 

The problem with an over-hyped ‘Red Corridor’ is that it justifies the actions of the security forces: they are seen as deployed in enemy terrain to ‘protect’ India’s ‘bright’ future. And so, a ‘few’ innocent casualties at the hands of the security forces are deemed inevitable. The victims are labelled ‘Maoist supporters’. As the Red Corridor mostly falls under tribal areas, a general, albeit fallacious, perception exists that the tribals in these areas are Naxalites or Naxalite supporters. What worsens the situation is the exclusion of such areas by the concerned state administration which, after 64 years of independence, has failed to establish any communication with people living in these areas. A district mostly falls in the Red Corridor zone not because the people here support the Naxal ideology, but because the administrative units in these areas are nowhere to be seen, giving a free hand to the Naxalites. It is the failure on the part of the state administration to reach out to rural tribal areas that has provided ample opportunity for Naxalism to flourish.

Decades after their exclusion, the government is trying to bring tribal societies out of their so-called ‘museum culture’ into the mainstream. But the methods being adopted are displacement, and the giving away of lands to multinational companies to set up factories, thereby reducing even the most affluent farmer to a petty labourer. The fact that abundant mineral resources sit beneath these tribal lands hardens the government’s stance, making it determined to counter any opposition with a heavy hand.

There is a dual strategy behind the tag ‘Red Corridor’. Multinational companies and mining corporations have incurred huge losses, mostly in tribal areas: firstly, as levy amount to several Naxalite outfits amounting to hundreds of crores in a single year; secondly, uncertainty over land acquisition even after signing MoUs with the concerned state government due to tribal laws and people’s opposition. By declaring districts Maoist zones, the government clears the ground for future operations to be conducted by the security forces. The mission: to ‘liberate’ such zones from the evil clutches of Naxalites and ‘anti-developmental’ forces. The ‘anti-developmental forces’, as termed by the government, are tribals whose protests are solely aimed at retaining their land; they have no intention whatsoever to topple the government. Several cases of tribals protesting against forcible land acquisition and being killed or imprisoned for allegedly being Naxals have been reported across the state of Jharkhand.

Tribals stand on a thin line between Naxalites and the government, exploited and destroyed by both. In areas where the Naxalites have a presence, not following their orders could result in gruesome killings. Thus, any meeting called by any of these outfits is an unspoken compulsion for the village, not an option.

In such a scenario, resorting to indiscriminate firing and blaming Naxalites for using innocent villagers as human shields is not only a failure on the part of the security forces but also on the state to provide safety to its citizens. The illusion presented to the common man has entwined tribals and Naxalites in such a complex manner that any number of killings in tribal areas fails to generate much sympathy among the people. The recent killing of 18 alleged Naxalites at the hands of the security forces in Chhattisgarh, and its aftermath is evidence of the general perception that even if these people are not Naxalites, they are definitely supporters.

All in the name of ‘national interest’

In an interview with Shoma Chaudhary from Tehelka, in 2009, Home Minister P Chidambaram made the following comment: “No country can develop unless it uses its natural and human resources. Mineral wealth is wealth that must be harvested and used for people.” But who are the ‘people’ for whom mineral wealth must be harvested? The middle class and elites who own multinational corporations.

The mineral resources have more to do with profiting private firms than national growth. For example, the royalty fixed by the central government for iron ore is just 10% of the value of mined iron ore, extraordinarily benefiting private mining firms. Tribals have always remained outside the loop of beneficiaries. This was evident in the non-implementation of the PESA Act until recently, for more than 10 years, in scheduled areas of Jharkhand even after a 2010 directive from the Jharkhand High Court. Adding to this was non-implementation of theSamatha judgement across areas under the Fifth Schedule, which would have hugely benefited tribals. Tribals have repeatedly been exploited, displaced and ruined in the name of ‘national interest’.

Jawaharlal Nehru once exquisitely explained the meaning of ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’, or ‘Victory to Mother India’, as victory to millions of people spread across the vast tract of India. The privileged classes who are fervently nationalistic must understand that their fellow nationals are being bludgeoned into a war-like situation. These wars are not only perpetrated by the juggernaut of so-called ‘development’ but are sustained by false myths that have blinded the general public. In a brilliant piece by George Monbiot, published in the Guardian, the author speaks about the injustices of the British Empire and the myths so well established that “we appear to blot out countervailing stories even as they are told”.

In order to sustain an actual inclusive growth, people need to do away with such false perceptions and not let exploitative action go unchallenged. Only then will the true essence of ‘Victory to Mother India’ materialise. National development is not just about showcasing the country’s economic growth on paper. A massive GDP growth rate is meaningless if tribals and other underprivileged peoples continue living underdeveloped lives. As a tribal, I expect the government to set aside its false perceptions of development that encourage exploitation of tribal communities, and bring about real meaningful growth.

Adivasi (Article-2)

Little is known about the relationship between the Adivasis and non-Adivasi communities during the Hindu and Muslim rules. There are stray references to wars and alliances between the Rajput kings and tribal chieftains in middle India and in the North-East between the Ahom Kings of Brahmaputra valley and the hill Nagas. They are considered to be ati-sudra meaning lower than the untouchable castes. Even today, the upper caste people refer to these peoples as jangli, a derogatory term meaning "those who are like wild animals" - uncivilised or sub-humans.

The Adivasis have few food taboos, rather fluid cultural practices and minimal occupational specialization, while on the other hand, the mainstream population of the plains have extensive food taboos, more rigid cultural practices and considerable caste-based occupational specialisation. In the Hindu caste system, the Adivasis have no place. The so-called mainstream society of India has evolved as an agglomeration of thousands of small-scale social groups whose identities within the larger society are preserved by not allowing them to marry outside their social groups.

The subjugated groups became castes forced to perform less desirable menial jobs like sweeping, cleaning of excreta, removal of dead bodies, leather works etc - the untouchables. Some of the earliest small-scale societies dependent on hunting and gathering and traditional agriculture seem to have remained outside this process of agglomeration. These are the Adivasis of present day. Their autonomous existence outside the mainstream led to the preservation of their socio-religious and cultural practices, most of them retaining also their distinctive languages. Widow burning, enslavement, occupational differentiation, hierarchical social ordering etc are generally not there. Though there were trade between the Adivasis and the mainstream society, any form of social intercourse was discouraged. Caste India did not consciously attempt to draw them into the orbit of caste society.

But in the process of economic, cultural and ecological change, Adivasis have attached themselves to caste groups in a peripheral manner, and the process of de-tribalisation is a continuous one. Many of the Hindu communities have absorbed the cultural practices of the Adivasis. Although Hinduism could be seen as one unifying thread running through the country as a whole, it is not homogenous but in reality a conglomeration of centuries old traditions and shaped by several religious and social traditions which are more cultural in their essence (and including elements of Adivasi socio-religious culture).

Adivasis at the lowest rung of the ladder
Adivasis are not, as a general rule, regarded as unclean by caste Hindus in the same way as Dalits are. But they continue to face prejudice (as lesser humans), they are socially distanced and often face violence from society. They are at the lowest point in every socioeconomic indicator. Today the majority of the population regards them as primitive and aims at decimating them as peoples or at best integrating them with the mainstream at the lowest rung in the ladder. This is especially so with the rise of the fascist Hindutva forces.

None of the brave Adivasi fights against the British have been treated as part of the "national" struggle for independence. From the Malpahariya uprising in 1772 to Lakshman Naik's revolt in Orissa in 1942, the Adivasis repeatedly rebelled against the British in the north-eastern, eastern and central Indian belt. In many of the rebellions, the Adivasis could not be subdued, but terminated the struggle only because the British acceded to their immediate demands, as in the case of the Bhil revolt of 1809 and the Naik revolt of 1838 in Gujarat. Heroes like Birsa Munda, Kanhu Santhal, Khazya Naik, Tantya Bhil, Lakshman Naik, Kuvar Vasava, Rupa Naik, Thamal Dora, Ambul Reddi, Thalakkal Chandu etc are remembered in the songs and stories of the Adivasis but ignored in the official text books.

The British Crown's dominions in India consisted of four political arrangements:

1. the Presidency Areas where the Crown was supreme,
2. the Residency Areas where the British Crown was present through the Resident and the Ruler of the realm was subservient to the Crown,
3. the Agency (Tribal) areas where the Agent governed in the name of the Crown but left the local self-governing institutions untouched and
4. the Excluded Areas (north-east) where the representatives of the Crown were a figure head.

After the transfer of power, the rulers of the Residency Areas signed the "Deed of Accession" on behalf of the ruled on exchange they were offered privy purse. No deed was however signed with most of the independent Adivasi states. They were assumed to have joined the Union. The government rode rough shod on independent Adivasi nations and they were merged with the Indian Union. This happened even by means of state violence as in the case of Adivasi uprising in the Nizam's State of Hyderabad and Nagalim.

While this aspect did not enter the consciousness of the Adivasis at large in the central part of India where they were preoccupied with their own survival, the picture was different in the north-east because of the historic and material conditions. Historically the north-east was never a part of mainland India. The colonial incorporation of north-east took place much later than the rest of the Indian subcontinent. While Assam ruled by the Ahoms came under the control of British in 1826, neighbouring Bengal was annexed in 1765. Garo Hills were annexed in 1873, Naga Hills in 1879 and Mizoram under the Chin-Lushai Expeditions in 1881-90. Consequently, the struggles for self-determination took various forms as independence to greater autonomy.

A process of marginalization today, the total forest cover in India is reported to be 765.21 thousand sq. km. of which 71% are Adivasi areas. Of these 416.52 and 223.30 thousand sq. km. are categorised as reserved and protected forests respectively. About 23% of these are further declared as Wild Life Sanctuaries and National Parks which alone has displaced some half a million Adivasis. By the process of colonisation of the forests that began formally with the Forest Act of 1864 and finally the Indian Forest Act of 1927, the rights of Adivasis were reduced to mere privileges conferred by the state.

This was in acknowledgment of their dependence on the forests for survival and it was politically forced upon the rulers by the glorious struggles that the Adivasis waged persistently against the British. The Forest Policy of 1952, the Wild Life Protection Act of 1972 and the Forest Conservation Act of 1980 downgraded these privileges of the peoples to concessions of the state in the post-colonial period.

With globalisation, there are now further attempts to change these paternalistic concessions to being excluded as indicated by the draft "Conservation of Forests and Natural Ecosystems Act" that is to replace the forest act and the amendments proposed to the Land Acquisition Act and Schedule V of the constitution. In 1991, 23.03% of STs were literate as against 42.83% among the general population. The Government's Eighth Plan document mentions that nearly 52% of STs live below the poverty line as against 30% of the general population.

In a study on Kerala, a state considered to be unique for having developed a more egalitarian society with a high quality of life index comparable to that of only the 'developed' countries, paradoxically shows that for STs the below poverty line population was 64.5% while for Scheduled Castes it was 47% and others 41%. About 95% of Adivasis live in rural areas, less than 10% are itinerant hunter-gatherers but more than half depend upon forest produce. Very commonly, police, forest guards and officials bully and intimidate Adivasis and large numbers are routinely arrested and jailed, often for petty offenses.
Only a few Adivasi communities which are forest dwellers have not been displaced and continue to live in forests, away from the mainstream development activities, such as in parts of Bastar in Madhya Pradesh, Koraput, Phulbani and Mayurbanj in Orissa and of Andaman Islands.

Thousands of Korku children below the age of six died in the 1990s due to malnutrition and starvation in the Melghat Tiger Reserve of Maharashtra due to the denial of access to their life sustaining resource base. Adivasis of Kalahandi-Bolangir in Orissa and of Palamu in south Bihar have reported severe food shortage. According to the Central Planning Committee of the Government of India, nearly 41 districts with significant Adivasi populations are prone to deaths due to starvation, which is not normally reported as such.
Invasion of Adivasi territories The "Land Acquisition Act" of 1894 concretised the supremacy of the sovereign to allow for total colonisation of any territory in the name of 'public interest' which in most cases are not community notions of common good. This is so, especially for the Adivasis. The colonial juristic concept of res nullius (that which has not been conferred by the sovereign belongs to the sovereign) and terra nullius (land that belongs to none) bulldozed traditional political and social entities beginning the wanton destruction of traditional forms of self-governance.

The invasion of Adivasi territories, which for the most part commenced during the colonial period, intensified in the post-colonial period. Most of the Adivasi territories were claimed by the state. Over 10 million Adivasis have been displaced to make way for development projects such as dams, mining, industries, roads, protected areas etc. Though most of the dams (over 3000) are located in Adivasi areas, only 19.9% (1980-81) of Adivasi land holdings are irrigated as compared to 45.9% of all holdings of the general population. India produces as many as 52 principal, 3 fuel, 11 metallic, 38 non-metallic and a number of minor minerals.

Of these 45 major minerals (coal, iron ore, magnetite, manganese, bauxite, graphite, limestone, dolomite, uranium etc) are found in Adivasi areas contributing some 56% of the national total mineral earnings in terms of value. Of the 4,175 working mines reported by the Indian Bureau of Mines in 1991-92, approximately 3500 could be assumed to be in Adivasi areas. Income to the government from forests rose from Rs.5.6 million in 1869-70 to more than Rs.13 billions in the 1970s. The bulk of the nation's productive wealth lay in the Adivasi territories. Yet the Adivasi has been driven out, marginalised and robbed of dignity by the very process of 'national development'.

The systematic opening up of Adivasi territories, the development projects and the 'tribal development projects' make them conducive for waves of immigrants. In the rich mineral belt of Jharkhand, the Adivasi population has dropped from around 60% in 1911 to 27.67% in 1991. These developments have in turn driven out vast numbers of Adivasis to eke out a living in the urban areas and in far-flung places in slums. According to a rough estimate, there are more than 40,000 tribal domestic working women in Delhi alone! In some places, development induced migration of Adivasis to other Adivasi areas has also led to fierce conflicts as between the Santhali and the Bodo in Assam.

Internal colonialism Constitutional privileges and welfare measures benefit only a small minority of the Adivasis. These privileges and welfare measures are denied to the majority of the Adivasis and they are appropriated by more powerful groups in the caste order. The steep increase of STs in Maharashtra in real terms by 148% in the two decades since 1971 is mainly due to questionable inclusion, for political gains, of a number of economically advanced groups among the backwards in the list of STs.

The increase in numbers, while it distorts the demographic picture, has more disastrous effects. The real tribes are irretrievably pushed down in the 'access or claim ladder' with these new entrants cornering the lion's share of both resources and opportunities for education, social and economic advancement.
Despite the Bonded Labour Abolition Act of 1976, Adivasis still form a substantial percentage of bonded labor in the country.

Despite positive political, institutional and financial commitment to tribal development, there is presently a large scale displacement and biological decline of Adivasi communities, a growing loss of genetic and cultural diversity and destruction of a rich resource base leading to rising trends of shrinking forests, crumbling fisheries, increasing unemployment, hunger and conflicts. The Adivasis have preserved 90% of the country's bio-cultural diversity protecting the polyvalent, precolonial, biodiversity friendly Indian identity from bio-cultural pathogens. Excessive and indiscriminate demands of the urban market have reduced Adivasis to raw material collectors and providers.

It is a cruel joke that people who can produce some of India's most exquisite handicrafts, who can distinguish hundreds of species of plants and animals, who can survive off the forests, the lands and the streams sustainably with no need to go to the market to buy food, are labeled as 'unskilled'. Equally critical are the paths of resistance that many Adivasi areas are displaying: Koel Karo, Bodh Ghat, Inchampalli, Bhopalpatnam, Rathong Chu ... big dams that were proposed by the enlightened planners and which were halted by the mass movements.

Such a situation has risen because of the discriminatory and predatory approach of the mainstream society on Adivasis and their territories. The moral legitimacy for the process of internal colonisation of Adivasi territories and the deliberate disregard and violations of constitutional protection of STs has its basis in the culturally ingrained hierarchical caste social order and consciousness that pervades the entire politico-administrative and judicial system. This pervasive mindset is also a historical construct that got reinforced during colonial and post-colonial India.

The term 'Criminal Tribe' was concocted by the British rulers and entered into the public vocabulary through the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 under which a list of some 150 communities including Adivasis, were mischievously declared as (naturally) 'criminal'. Though this shameful act itself was repealed in 1952, the specter of the so-called 'criminal tribes' continue to haunt these 'denotified tribes' - the Sansi, Pardhi, Kanjar, Gujjar, Bawaria, Banjara and others. They are considered as the first natural suspects of all petty and sundry crimes except that they are now hauled up under the Habitual Offenders Act that replaced the British Act! Stereotyping of numerous communities has reinforced past discriminatory attitudes of the dominant mainstream in an institutionalised form.

There is a whole history of legislation, both during the pre-independence as well as post-independence period, which was supposed to protect the rights of the Adivasis. As early as 1879, the "Bombay Province Land Revenue Code" prohibited transfer of land from a tribal to a non-tribal without the permission of the authorities. The 1908 "Chotanagpur Tenancy Act" in Bihar, the 1949 "Santhal Pargana Tenancy (Supplementary) Act", the 1969 "Bihar Scheduled Areas Regulations", the 1955 "Rajasthan Tenancy Act" as amended in 1956, the 1959 "MPLP Code of Madhya Pradesh", the 1959 "Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation" and amendment of 1970, the 1960 "Tripura Land Revenue Regulation Act", the 1970 "Assam Land and Revenue Act", the 1975 "Kerala Scheduled Tribes (Restriction of Transfer of Lands and Restoration of Alienated Lands) Act" etc. are state legislations to protect Adivasi land rights.
In Andhra for example, inquiries on land transfer violations were made in 57,150 cases involving 245,581 acres of land, but only about 28% of lands were restored despite persistent militant struggles. While in the case of Kerala, out of a total claim for 9909.4522 hectares made by 8754 applicants, only 5.5% of the claims have been restored. And this is happening in spite of favorable judicial orders - orders which the state governments are circumventing by attempting to dismantle the very protective legislation itself.

The callous and casual manner with which mainstream India approaches the fulfillment of the constitutional obligations with reference to the tribes.

Adivasi ( Article-1)

Adivasi  is an umbrella term for a heterogeneous set of ethnic and tribal groups considered the aboriginal population of South Asia. Adivasi make up 8.6% of India's population or 104 million according to the 2011 census and a large percentage of Nepalese population. They comprise a substantial indigenous minority of the population of India and Nepal. The same term Adivasi is used for the ethnic minorities of Bangladesh, the native Tharu people of
 Nepal and also to the native Vedda people of Sri Lanka . The word is also used in the same sense in Nepal, as is another word, janajati , although the political context differed historically under the Shah and Rana dynasties. Adivasi societies are particularly present inAndhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh,
 Maharashtra,Odisha, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and some north-eastern states, and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Many smaller tribal groups are quite sensitive to ecological degradation caused by modernisation. Both commercial forestry and intensive agriculture have proved destructive to the forests that had endured swidden agriculture for many centuries. Adivasis in central part of India have been victims of the Naxalite
insurgency and theSalwa Judum campaign by the Government.

From the very early days of British rule, the tribesmen resented the British encroachments upon their tribal system. They were found resisting or supporting their brethren of Tamar and Jhalda in rebellion. Nor did their raja welcome the British administrative innovations.Beginning in the 18th century, the British added to the consolidation of feudalism in India, first under the Jagirdari system and then under the zamindari   system. Beginning with the Permanent Settlement imposed by the British in Bengal and Bihar, which later became the template for a deepening of feudalism throughout India, the older social and economic system in the country began to alter radically. Land, both forest areas belonging to adivasis and settled farmland belonging to non-adivasi peasants, was rapidly made the legal property of British-designated zamindars (landlords), who in turn moved to extract the maximum economic benefit possible from their newfound property and subjects. Adivasi lands sometimes experienced an influx of non-local settlers, often brought from far away (as in the case of Muslims and Sikhs brought to Kol territory) by the zamindars to better exploit local land, forest and labor. Deprived of the forests and resources they traditionally depended on and sometimes coerced to pay taxes, many adivasis were forced to borrow at usurious rates from moneylenders, often the zamindars themselves. When they were unable to pay, that forced them to become bonded labourers for the zamindars. Often, far from paying off the principal of their debt, they were unable even to offset the compounding interest, and this was made the justification for their children working for the zamindar after the death of the initial borrower. In the case of the Andamanese adivasis, long isolated from the outside world in autonomous societies, mere contact with outsiders was often sufficient to set off deadly epidemics in tribal populations,and it is alleged that some sections of the British government directly attempted to destroy some tribes.

Land dispossession and subjugation by British and zamindar interests resulted in a number of adivasi revolts in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, such as the Santal hul (or Santhal rebellion) of 1855–56. Although these were suppressed ruthlessly by the governing British authority (the East India Company prior to 1858, and the British government after 1858), partial restoration of privileges to adivasi elites (e.g. to Mankis, the leaders of Munda tribes) and some leniency in tax burdens resulted in relative calm, despite continuing and widespread dispossession, from the late nineteenth century onwards. The economic deprivation, in some cases, triggered internal adivasi migrations within India that would continue for another century, including as labour for the emerging tea plantations in Assam.

Indian Tribal People

Indian tribal people play a key part in constructing the cultural heritage of India. They occupy a major part in the history of India as they are considered as the true habitants of India. The tribal people are scattered in different parts of India and they form a considerable number of the population of India. The traditional and cultural distinction of each tribal community has made them distinguishable from each other and their cultural and traditional heritage add colour and variation to the Indian culture as a whole and form a compact culture. Indian tribal people reside in approximately fifteen percent of the country`s area. They primarily live in various ecological and geo-climatic conditions ranging from plains, forests, hills and inaccessible areas that perhaps lie dotted in the panoramic Indian terrain. According to Article 342 of the Indian Constitution, at present, there exist six hundred and ninety seven tribes as notified by the Central Government. These Indian tribal groups of people have been notified to reside in more than one State. More than half of the Indian tribal population is concentrated in the States of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Jharkhand and Gujarat, whereas in Haryana, Punjab, Delhi, Pondicherry and Chandigarh no community has been notified as a specific tribal group. Though the tribal people in the earlier eras were not much forward but in recent times they are seen in some sectors of economical, educational and social development. The history says that India was the abode of various tribal groups since the commencement period of Indian history. Tribes of North East India In the north eastern part of India, there is a concentration of a number of tribes. Meghalaya is the abode of a number of tribal communities who have settled down in large numbers. The tribal people of Meghalaya are categorised in two major groups namely the Garos and Hynniewtrep. The Garo tribal community occupies a major part of tribal communities of Meghalaya. Some of the Mizoram tribes are Chakma tribes which is one of the important tribes of Mizoram. The Pawi Tribes of Mizoram are named not after the name of the clan but after the name of the place where there are residing. Another important tribe of Mizoram is Ralte tribes. Manipur houses quite a number of tribes. The tribes of Manipur are as follows Aimol, Anal, Angami, Chiru, Chothe, Gangte, Hmar, Kabui, Kacha Naga, Koirao, Koireng, Kom, Lamgang, Mao, Maram, Maring, Lushai tribes, Monsang, Moyon, Paite, Purum, Ralte, Sema, Simte, Sukte, Tangkhul, Thadou, Vaiphei and Zou. The largest population in Assam is that of the Tibeto Burmese descent known as the Bodo tribe and Mishing tribe. Major tribes of Assam make out their livelihood through agriculture and by selling their handicrafts. Tribes of North India North India also encompasses many tribes. Tribes of Jammu and Kashmir have strictly descended from the Indo-Aryan group of people, which can be credited for the sublime beauty of this exceptional north Indian tribe. With normal Indian food being their staple diet, these north Indian tribes believe in both Hinduism and Islam. Tribes of Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand comprise a colossal portion under the north Indian tribal section, with variety speaking out from every section and every sphere of daily life. Tribes in Haryana basically are consisted of nomadic and semi-nomadic individuals, with a somewhat decaying condition of their social and economic condition. There are approximately twenty-five nomadic tribes, with their total count exceeding fifteen lakh. Tribes of Himachal Pradesh can be singled out for their looks, good conduct and religious behaviour towards every kind of situations and places. Tribes of East India East Indian tribes come to a significant numbering count under the vast section of Indian tribes. Tribes of West Bengal with their incredible talents and improvisations have elevated Bengali tribes into a prestigious hold. Just like customary Bengal tradition, festivals and ceremonies are an integral part of this East Indian tribe. Tribes of Orissa reflect an unusualness right from the infantry stage. Known to have deep-rooted faith in their aboriginal God and animism, tribal people of Orissa have their own set of faiths when it comes to marriage and holy union. Classified into four primary groups of hunter gatherers, shifting agriculture, basic artisans and settled agriculturists, tribes of Jharkhand are diversified through their handiwork and religious customs. East Indian tribes mostly make themselves noticeable in every sphere of day-to-day life, commencing from level-headed past times in culture and entertainment, coupled with rugged outlook in cultivation. Tribes of West India West India, comprising the states of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Goa house sufficient section of Indian tribes. West Indian tribes have been pocketed in several far-away areas, living a life of their own. Tribals of Gujarat today have divided themselves into several places of dwelling by the sea, amidst the Western Ghats and the plains. Agriculture and harvesting seem to be Gujarat tribals` basic occupations since olden times. Tribes of Rajasthan have been involved with rest of the Rajasthani population since ancient times, with their unique customs and culture spreading each other day. The touch of modernisation has wholly caught up with the tribes of this West Indian bunch, paving way for novel ways of occupation and popularity. Tribes of Maharashtra are primarily classified in the groups of nomadic tribes and scheduled tribes. West Indian tribes are truly elevated to escalading heights when Maharashtrian aboriginal men and women are concerned. Tribes of Central India Tribal life in Central India is an excellent instance of the blending of rural and urbanity. Central Indian tribes can bravely be designated with their exquisite stretch of flora and fauna, which is always coupled with ancient richness in cultural heritage. Tribes of Madhya Pradesh is basically classified under the group of scheduled tribes, with other sub-groups of tribes also making their presence felt. Cultivating and farming being a basic tribal occupation the men and women from Madhya Pradesh like to concentrate wholly upon their festivities and celebrations. Tribes of Chhattisgarh primarily consist of a significant number that even surpasses the urban population. Central Indian tribes amount to an overwhelming number, with prestigious lineage and trying to govern themselves in a strict aboriginal manner. Tribes of South India The numbers of South India tribes are perhaps unlimited with their miscellaneous existence, which has now gained popularity throughout the country. The tribes of Tamil Nadu comprise significant number of population ranging from dwindling to massive. These Tribes are engaged in intellectual activity like tea or coffee cultivation, or mass milk producing. Tribes in Karnataka are astoundingly enormous in number, with the count exceeding a bare minimum. With Hinduism being the most prevalent religion, other religions are also seen to have their existence. Kannada being the most spoken language, Malayalam and Hindi also find place in this south-Indian tribe. Tribes of Kerala are perhaps the most unique among all the south Indian tribes discussed. Residing basically in the mountainous terrains of the state, they have been striving to uphold their indigenous traditions and customs from any foreign influence. The interesting and novel mode of lifestyle that such Indian tribal people lead, accounts for a vast section of Indian travelogue. Be it in the sphere of much-retold Indian tribes or yet-to-be-known tribes, various styles of eating, drinking, working, singing, dancing, clothing, accessorising, or religious customs, Indian tribal people lead a life of their own. This distinctness is as if encased and enveloped within a protective covering, that at times receives massive public coverage.